| Aug 94
Blueprints for Indian Education: Languages and Cultures.
ERIC Digest.
ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, Charleston, WV. ALTHOUGH ALL
CULTURES are in a constant state of change,
there are beliefs and customs
that endure and help sustain a people's
identity.
For American Indians and Alaska Natives,
these beliefs and customs are best expressed
in their
original languages. Two important
studies on Native education--Indian Nations At
Risk:
An Educational Strategy for Action
A PERSONAL HISTORY I grew up as a young Tlingit boy during the
1930s.
In my earliest memories, I can recall my
grandmother holding me on one of her knees and
singing
her clan songs to me in Tlingit.
Very early she taught me the dance movements
of a
male dancer. As she held me she
would tell me that I would soon be too big for
her
to hold on her lap. During the summers, I
was expected to help my grandmother pick
berries and
make noise to chase away any bear
that might be in the berry patch. Later, when
I learned
to row a double-ended rowboat, it
was my job to transport her across the inlet
to the
smokehouse several times a day to tend
the fire used for smoking the sockeye salmon
that
I had helped harvest with my Tlingit
uncle. The rest of the time I was free to play
with
my friends in the community--rowing
around the bay, swimming in the creek, and
playing
in the woods and under the family
sawmill. We played in the fish cannery where
we built
huge caves out of empty boxes that
I spoke English but I remember the villagers of my grandparents' generation speaking to each other in Tlingit. When my parents and uncles spoke to each other they used English. When they spoke to the older generation they spoke Tlingit. I attended celebrations where the elders stood and talked in Tlingit. Dancers, wearing Tlingit costumes, danced to the music of clan songs and chanted in tune and time to a Tlingit drum. During my middle childhood years I spent much of my time with my uncles. They taught me the skills to hunt for deer, trap mink, hang seine, jig for halibut, beach seine for the early spring steelhead and sockeye salmon, and make and blow an instrument used for calling deer. Much of our food was from the wild or from my grandmother's garden. During the winter, I watched the totem pole carvers in Klawock working on the large totems for the park that was being built. Throughout their lives my uncles continued to speak to each other in Tlingit and to non-Tlingit speakers in English. I listened but not enough to really learn it. I understood it when I was younger and around my grandmother, for she spoke only Tlingit to her sons and to me. But I spoke to her in English. In this way I was like most of my generation in Klawock, who did not learn the Tlingit language. We spoke to our parents, aunts, and uncles in English, building a new language base for the government schools we attended. The language base of my children and grandchildren is English. These two younger generations seldom, if ever, hear Tlingit spoken because they live in other parts of the country, seldom coming to Alaska where--to this day--they might hear my uncles and their generation speak the language to one another. I have lost the language, my children never learned the language, and my grandchildren have lost the opportunity to learn the language. My personal experience is replayed in
Native communities
throughout the country and in the
circumpolar North. I (and other Native
educators)
have come to realize that unless drastic
steps are taken by schools, communities, and
families,
the remaining Native languages will
be lost. This concern was expressed in
testimony given
during the development of the
Indian Education Act of 1972 and, again, more
recently
in conjunction with the Indian
A SOCIETAL HISTORY How did this pattern of generational language loss establish itself? Although there were other contributing factors, the schools played an important role. Schools, in carrying out early government language policies and in their efforts to "Christianize" American Indians and Alaska Natives, were instrumental in destroying the Native language base among most young Native students. Church schools and Bureau of Indian Affairs schools forbade the use of Native languages in the school environment and punished students for speaking their traditional languages. Tribes responded in a variety of ways. Some
passed
English-only resolutions; others
continued to use their languages through
cultural
activities and spiritual ceremonies. Many
parents, punished for speaking their Native
language
as students, decided to teach their
children only English. Still other
communities, isolated
from white America, continued to use
their Native languages as their only means of
communication
and social and cultural
LISTENING TO THE PEOPLE In hearings held across the United States,
those of
us who served on the Indian Nations At
Risk Task Force listened to people testify
about the
loss of languages and the deterioration
of a Native cultural base among young Native
children.
Task Force members also
commissioned papers and studied the research
literature
on language, culture, and
academic achievement. Their findings: learning
more
than one language does not retard
English language development, children can
learn more
than one language simultaneously
In other words, children who are
comfortable with their
own culture and the position of their
culture in the larger society are more apt to
do well
in school than children who are uneasy
with the use of their Native language and
cultural
heritage. In fact, of the four reasons
listed in the Task Force final report (1991)
for why
Native peoples are at risk, prominent
among them is the schools' role in
discouraging the
use of Native languages in the
classroom. "The task challenging Native
communities
is to retain their distinct cultural
identities while preparing members for
successful
participation in a world of rapidly changing
technology and diverse cultures" (p. 1). After
studying
all aspects of Native education, the
Indian Nations At Risk Task Force (1991)
recommended
four national priorities for improving
academic performance and promoting
self-sufficiency
among Native students. One of those
four priorities was "establishing the
promotion of
students' tribal language and culture as a
responsibility of the school" (p. 22). The
Task Force
also created 10 National Education
Goals for American Indians and Alaska Natives.
Goal
2 states that "By the year 2000 all
schools will offer Native students the
opportunity
to maintain and develop their tribal
languages and will create a multicultural
environment
that enhances the many cultures
TAKING IT TO THE TOP As the Indian Nations At Risk Task Force
finished up
its work in 1991 with the publication of
its final report, another effort was already
underway
designed to help guide Congress and
the President in their responsibilities to
create
and implement legislation impacting Native
education. Planners for this second effort,
the White
House Conference on Indian Education
(WHCIE), adopted as their organizing framework
the
10 National Education Goals developed
During the year leading up to the
conference, state
steering committees conducted hearings
and other meetings designed to prepare and
finalize
recommendations to the Conference.
As a result, committees submitted 30 reports;
in 22
of them, Native languages and cultures
were identified as priority aspects of any
school
improvement effort (WHCIE, 1992). The
The White House Conference on Indian Education was held January 22-24, 1992. Delegates from across the United States came together to make recommendations aimed at guiding the President and Congress in future legislation. The Conference committee responsible for language and culture issues, cochaired by Wilma Mankiller and me, made eight recommendations for systemic change, paraphrased below: 1. Amend the Bilingual Education Act of
1965 to include
provisions that would (a) fund
programs to strengthen Native American
languages;
2. Add provisions to other
education-related legislation
that would 3. Exempt language and culture monies from Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act restrictions. 4. Design protections for parent involvement in Native education programming through various accountability, sign-off, and grievance procedure provisions. 5. Assign highest national priority to funding for Native languages, literacy, and cultural programs. 6. Implement related Indian Nations At Risk recommendations. 7. Put Native Americans in control of and hold them accountable for all federal education funds for Native peoples. 8. Recognize the significance of language and culture programs in efforts to improve schooling for Native Americans. CONCLUSION American schools--which did much to advance
the destruction
of Native languages and
cultures during the period of assimilation in
the
first two-thirds of this century--have done
little to reverse the devastating effects of
those
policies. In fact, the schools have not yet
concluded that Native languages are important
enough
to include in the base curriculum.
Where language and culture programs exist, by
and
large they tend to be supplementary
What emerged from the work of the Task
Force and White
House Conference is clear:
Parents, tribes, schools, and governments all
have
a responsibility to promote the continued
use of Native languages for social and
academic reasons.
But there are compelling cultural
reasons, as well. Like my own Tlingit
inheritance,
these languages and cultures are found in
no other part of the world. If we allow the
Native
languages of the Americas to be lost, they
BIBLIOGRAPHY Brown, G. L. (1991). Reading and language arts curricula in elementary and secondary education for American Indians and Alaska Natives. In Indian Nations At Risk Task Force commissioned papers. Washington, DC: Department of Education. (ED 343 766) Charleston, G. M., & King, G. L. (1991). Indian Nations At Risk Task Force: Listen to the People. In Indian Nations At Risk Task Force commissioned papers. Washington, DC: Department of Education. (ED 343 754) Indian Nations At Risk Task Force. (1991). Indian nations at risk: An educational strategy for action. Final report. Washington, DC: Department of Education. (ED 339 587) Indian Nations At Risk Task Force. (1990). Indian nations at risk, summary of issues & recommendations from regional hearings, July-October 1990. Washington, DC: Department of Education. (ED 341 543) Meriam, L. (1928). The problem of Indian administration: Report of a survey made at the request of Honorable Hubert Work, Secretary of the Interior, and submitted to him, February 21, 1928. (Brookings Institution, Institute for Government Research). Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins Press. Skinner, L. (1991). Teaching through traditions: Incorporating Native languages and cultures into curricula. In Indian Nations At Risk Task Force commissioned papers. Washington, DC: Department of Education. (ED 343 764) Special Subcommittee on Indian Education of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. (1969). Indian education: A national tragedy, a national challenge (Senate Report No. 91-501). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. White House Conference on Indian Education. (1992). White House Conference on Indian Education (Washington, D.C., January 22-24, 1992). Final report. Volumes 1 and 2. Washington, DC: Author. (ED 353 123) William Demmert (Oglala Sioux and Tlingit) teaches at Western Washington University in Bellingham, Washington. This publication was prepared with funding from the Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education, under contract no. RR93002012. The opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the positions or policies of OERI, the Department, or AEL. |